Evidence For Revolution

In the 1973 movie classic “Sleeper,” Woody Allen plays a New York health food store owner who wakes up 200 years in the future, in a desolate environment.

“What happened to New York?” he asks the character played by Diane Keaton.  She replies, “It was destroyed.  Some guy named Al Shanker got hold of a nuclear weapon.”

I think every member of the American Federation of Teachers knows this line.  Firebrand educator Al Shanker, founder of the AFT, would never have hurt anyone.  But short of that, he would do whatever it took to fight for teachers’ rights, and most importantly, for the rights of students to receive a great education.  In fact, he saw that the only way for teachers to receive the respect, fair treatment, and adequate compensation they deserved, and still deserve, was to demonstrate that they had skills not possessed by the general public that could have powerful impacts on students’ learning.  Physicians are much respected and well paid because they have special knowledge of how to prevent and cure disease, and to do this they have available a vast armamentarium of drugs, devices, and procedures, all proven to work in rigorous research.

Shanker was a huge fan of evidence in education, first because evidence-based practice helps students succeed, but also because teachers using proven programs and practices show that they deserve respect and fair compensation because they have specialized knowledge backed by proven methods able to ensure the success of students.

The Revolutionary Potential of Evidence in Education

The reality is that in most school districts, especially large ones, most power resides in the central office, not in individual schools.  The district chooses textbooks, computer technology, benchmark assessments, and much more.  There are probably principals and teachers on the committees that make these decisions, but once the decisions are made, the building-level staff is supposed to fall in line and do as they are told.  When I speak to principals and teachers, they are astonished to learn that they can easily look up on www.evidenceforessa.org just about any program their district is using and find out what the evidence base for that program is.  Most of the time, the programs they have been required to use by their school administrations either have no valid evidence of effectiveness, or they have concrete evidence that they do not work.  Further, in almost all categories, effective programs or approaches do exist, and could have been selected as practical alternatives to the ones that were adopted.  Individual schools could have been allowed to choose proven programs, instead of being required to use programs they know not to be proven effective.

Perhaps schools should always be given the freedom to select and implement programs other than those mandated by the district, as long as the programs they want to implement have stronger evidence of effectiveness than the district’s programs.

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How the Revolution Might Happen

Imagine that principals, teachers, parent activists, enlightened school board members, and others in a given district were all encouraged to use Evidence for ESSA or other reviews of evaluations of educational programs.  Imagine that many of these people just wrote letters to the editor, or letters to district leaders, letters to education reporters, or perhaps, if these are not sufficient, they might march on the district offices with placards reading something like “Use What Works” or “Our Children Deserve Proven Programs.”  Who could be against that?

One of three things might happen.  First, the district might allow individual schools to use proven programs in place of the standard programs, and encourage any school to come forward with evidence from a reliable source if its staff or leadership wants to use a proven program not already in use.  That would be a great outcome.  Second, the district leadership might start using proven programs districtwide, and working with school leaders and teachers to ensure successful implementation.  This retains the top-down structure, but it could greatly improve student outcomes.  Third, the district might ignore the protesters and the evidence, or relegate the issue to a very slow study committee, which may be the same thing.  That would be a distressing outcome, though no worse than what probably happens now in most places.  It could still be the start of a positive process, if principals, teachers, school board members, and parent activists keep up the pressure, helpfully informing the district leaders about proven programs they could select when they are considering a change.

If this process took place around the country, it could have a substantial positive impact beyond the individual districts involved, because it could scare the bejabbers out of publishers, who would immediately see that if they are going to succeed in the long run, they need to design programs that will likely work in rigorous evaluations, and then market them based on real evidence.  That would be revolutionary indeed.  Until the publishers get firmly on board, the evidence movement is just tapping at the foundations of a giant fortress with a few ball peen hammers.  But there will come a day when that fortress will fall, and all will be beautiful. It will not require a nuclear weapon, just a lot of committed and courageous educators and advocates, with a lot of persistence, a lot of information on what works in education, and a lot of ball peen hammers.

Picture Credit: Liberty Leading the People, Eugène Delacroix [Public domain]

 This blog was developed with support from the Laura and John Arnold Foundation. The views expressed here do not necessarily reflect those of the Foundation.

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Effect Sizes and Additional Months of Gain: Can’t We Just Agree That More is Better?

In the 1984 mockumentary This is Spinal Tap, there is a running joke about a hapless band, Spinal Tap, which proudly bills itself “Britain’s Loudest Band.”  A pesky reporter keeps asking the band’s leader, “But how can you prove that you are Britain’s loudest band?” The band leader explains, with declining patience, that while ordinary amplifiers’ sound controls only go up to 10, Spinal Tap’s go up to 11.  “But those numbers are arbitrary,” says the reporter.  “They don’t mean a thing!”  “Don’t you get it?” asks the band leader.  “ELEVEN is more than TEN!  Anyone can see that!”

In educational research, we have an ongoing debate reminiscent of Spinal Tap.  Educational researchers speaking to other researchers invariably express the impact of educational treatments as effect sizes (the difference in adjusted means for the experimental and control groups divided by the unadjusted standard deviation).  All else being equal, higher effect sizes are better than lower ones.

However, educators who are not trained in statistics often despise effect sizes.  “What do they mean?” they ask.  “Tell us how much difference the treatment makes in student learning!”

Researchers want to be understood, so they try to translate effect sizes into more educator-friendly equivalents.  The problem is that the friendlier the units, the more statistically problematic they are.  The friendliest of all is “additional months of learning.”  Researchers or educators can look on a chart and, for any particular effect size, they can find the number of “additional months of learning.”  The Education Endowment Foundation in England, which funds and reports on rigorous experiments, reports both effect sizes and additional months of learning, and provides tables to help people make the conversion.  But here’s the rub.  A recent article by Baird & Pane (2019) compared additional months of learning to three other translations of effect sizes.  Additional months of learning was rated highest in ease of use, but lowest in four other categories, such as transparency and consistency. For example, a month of learning clearly has a different meaning in kindergarten than it does in tenth grade.

The other translations rated higher by Baird and Pane were, at least to me, just as hard to understand as effect sizes.  For example, the What Works Clearinghouse presents, along with effect sizes, an “improvement index” that has the virtue of being equally incomprehensible to researchers and educators alike.

On one hand, arguing about outcome metrics is as silly as arguing the relative virtues of Fahrenheit and Celsius. If they can be directly transformed into the other unit, who cares?

However, additional months of learning is often used to cover up very low effect sizes. I recently ran into an example of this in a series of studies by the Stanford Center for Research on Education Outcomes (CREDO), in which disadvantaged urban African American students gained 59 more “days of learning” than matched students not in charters in math, and 44 more days in reading. These numbers were cited in an editorial praising charter schools in the May 29 Washington Post.

However, these “days of learning” are misleading. The effect size for this same comparison was only +0.08 for math, and +0.06 for reading. Any researcher will tell you that these are very small effects. They were only made to look big by reporting the gains in days. These not only magnify the apparent differences, but they also make them unstable. Would it interest you to know that White students in urban charter schools performed 36 days a year worse than matched students in math (ES= -0.05) and 14 days worse in reading (ES= -0.02)? How about Native American students in urban charter schools, whose scores were 70 days worse than matched students in non-charters in math (ES= -0.10), and equal in reading. I wrote about charter school studies in a recent blog. In the blog, I did not argue that charter schools are effective for disadvantaged African Americans but harmful for Whites and Native Americans. That seems unlikely. What I did argue is that the effects of charter schools are so small that the directions of the effects are unstable. The overall effects across all urban schools studied were only 40 days (ES=+0.055) in math and 28 days (ES=+0.04) in reading. These effects look big because of the “days of learning” transformation, but they are not.

blog_6-13-19_volume_500x375In This is Spinal Tap, the argument about whether or not Spinal Tap is Britain’s loudest band is absurd.  Any band can turn its amplifiers to the top and blow out everyone’s eardrums, whether the top is marked eleven or ten.  In education, however, it does matter a great deal that educators are taking evidence into account in their decisions about educational programs. Using effect sizes, perhaps supplemented by additional months of learning, is one way to help readers understand outcomes of educational experiments. Using “days of learning,” however, is misleading, making very small impacts look important. Why not additional hours or minutes of learning, while we’re at it? Spinal Tap would be proud.

References

Baird, M., & Paine, J. (2019). Translating standardized effects of education programs into more interpretable metrics. Educational Researcher. Advance online publication. doi.org/10.3102/0013189X19848729

CREDO (2015). Overview of the Urban Charter School Study. Stanford, CA: Author.

Washington Post: Denying poor children a chance. [Editorial]. (May 29, 2019). The Washington Post, A16.

 

This blog was developed with support from the Laura and John Arnold Foundation. The views expressed here do not necessarily reflect those of the Foundation.

Charter Schools? Smarter Schools? Why Not Both?

I recently saw an editorial in the May 29 Washington Post, entitled “Denying Poor Children a Chance,” a pro-charter school opinion piece that makes dire predictions about the damage to poor and minority students that would follow if charter expansion were to be limited.  In education, it is common to see evidence-free opinions for and against charter schools, so I was glad to see actual data in the Post editorial.   In my view, if charter schools could routinely and substantially improve student outcomes, especially for disadvantaged students, I’d be a big fan.  My response to charter schools is the same as my response to everything else in education: Show me the evidence.

The Washington Post editorial cited a widely known 2015 Stanford CREDO study comparing urban charter schools to matched traditional public schools (TPS) in the same districts.  Evidence always attracts my attention, so I decided to look into this and other large, multi-district studies. Despite the Post’s enthusiasm for the data, the average effect size was only +0.055 for math and +0.04 for reading.  By anyone’s standards, these are very, very small outcomes.  Outcomes for poor, urban, African American students were somewhat higher, at +0.08 for math and +0.06 for reading, but on the other hand, average effect sizes for White students were negative, averaging -0.05 for math and -0.02 for reading.  Outcomes were also negative for Native American students: -0.10 for math, zero for reading.  With effect sizes so low, these small differences are probably just different flavors of zero.  A CREDO (2013) study of charter schools in 27 states, including non-urban as well as urban schools, found average effect sizes of +0.01 for math and -0.01 for reading. How much smaller can you get?

In fact, the CREDO studies have been widely criticized for using techniques that inflate test scores in charter schools.  They compare students in charter schools to students in traditional public schools, matching on pretests and ethnicity.  This ignores the obvious fact that students in charter schools chose to go there, or their parents chose for them to go.  There is every reason to believe that students who choose to attend charter schools are, on average, higher-achieving, more highly motivated, and better behaved than students who stay in traditional public schools.  Gleason et al. (2010) found that students who applied to charter schools started off 16 percentage points higher in reading and 13 percentage points higher in math than others in the same schools who did not apply.  Applicants were more likely to be White and less likely to be African American or Hispanic, and they were less likely to qualify for free lunch.  Self-selection is a particular problem in studies of students who choose or are sent to “no-excuses” charters, such as KIPP or Success Academies, because the students or their parents know students will be held to very high standards of behavior and accomplishment, and may be encouraged to leave the school if they do not meet those standards (this is not a criticism of KIPP or Success Academies, but when such charter systems use lotteries to select students, the students who show up for the lotteries were at least motivated to participate in a lottery to attend a very demanding school).

Well-designed studies of charter schools usually focus on schools that use lotteries to select students, and then they compare the students who were successful in the lottery to those who were not so lucky.  This eliminates the self-selection problem, as students were selected by a random process.  The CREDO studies do not do this, and this may be why their studies report higher (though still very small) effect sizes than those reported by syntheses of studies of students who all applied to charters, but may have been “lotteried in” or “lotteried out” at random.  A very rigorous WWC synthesis of such studies by Gleason et al. (2010) found that middle school students who were lotteried into charter schools in 32 states performed non-significantly worse than those lotteried out, in math (ES=-0.06) and in reading (ES=-0.08).  A 2015 update of the WWC study found very similar, slightly negative outcomes in reading and math.

It is important to note that “no-excuses” charter schools, mentioned earlier, have had more positive outcomes than other charters.  A recent review of lottery studies by Cheng et al. (2017) found effect sizes of +0.25 for math and +0.17 for reading.  However, such “no-excuses” charters are a tiny percentage of all charters nationwide.

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Other meta-analyses of studies of achievement outcomes of charter schools also exist, but none found effect sizes as high as the CREDO urban study.  The means of +0.055 for math and +0.04 for reading represent upper bounds for effects of urban charter schools.

Charter Schools or Smarter Schools?

So far, every study of achievement effects of charters has focused on impacts of charters on achievement compared to those of traditional public schools.  However, this should not be the only question.  “Charters” and “non-charters” do not exhaust the range of possibilities.

What if we instead ask this question: Among the range of programs available, which are most likely to be most effective at scale?

To illustrate the importance of this question, consider a study in England, which evaluated a program called Engaging Parents Through Mobile Phones.  The program involves texting parents on cell phones to alert them to upcoming tests, inform them about whether students are completing their homework, and tell them what students were being taught in school.  A randomized evaluation (Miller et al, 2017) found effect sizes of +0.06 for math and +0.03 for reading, remarkably similar to the urban charter school effects reported by CREDO (2015).  The cost of the mobile phone program was £6 per student per year, or $7.80.  If you like the outcomes of charter schools, might you prefer to get the same outcomes for $7.80 per child per year, without all the political, legal, and financial stresses of charter schools?

The point here is that rather than arguing about the size of small charter effects, one could consider charters a “treatment” and compare them to other proven approaches.  In our Evidence for ESSA website, we list 112 reading and math programs that meet ESSA standards for “Strong,” “Moderate,” or “Promising” evidence of effectiveness.  Of these, 107 had effect sizes larger than those CREDO (2015) reports for urban charter schools.  In both math and reading, there are many programs with average effect sizes of +0.20, +0.30, up to more than +0.60.  If applied as they were in the research, the best of these programs could, for example, entirely overcome Black-White and Hispanic-White achievement gaps in one or two years.

A few charter school networks have their own proven educational approaches, but the many charters that do not have proven programs should be looking for them.  Most proven programs work just as well in charter schools as they do in traditional public schools, so there is no reason existing charter schools should not proactively seek proven programs to increase their outcomes.  For new charters, wouldn’t it make sense for chartering agencies to encourage charter applicants to systematically search for and propose to adopt programs that have strong evidence of effectiveness?  Many charter schools already use proven programs.  In fact, there are several that specifically became charters to enable them to adopt or maintain our Success for All whole-school reform program.

There is no reason for any conflict between charter schools and smarter schools.  The goal of every school, regardless of its governance, should be to help students achieve their full potential, and every leader of a charter or non-charter school would agree with this. Whatever we think about governance, all schools, traditional or charter, should get smarter, using proven programs of all sorts to improve student outcomes.

References

Cheng, A., Hitt, C., Kisida, B., & Mills, J. N. (2017). “No excuses” charter schools: A meta-analysis of the experimental evidence on student achievement. Journal of School Choice, 11 (2), 209-238.

Clark, M.A., Gleason, P. M., Tuttle, C. C., & Silverberg, M. K., (2015). Do charter schools improve student achievement? Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis, 37 (4), 419-436.

Gleason, P.M., Clark, M. A., Tuttle, C. C., & Dwoyer, E. (2010).The evaluation of charter school impacts. Washington, DC: What Works Clearinghouse.

Miller, S., Davison, J, Yohanis, J., Sloan, S., Gildea, A., & Thurston, A. (2016). Texting parents: Evaluation report and executive summary. London: Education Endowment Foundation.

Washington Post: Denying poor children a chance. [Editorial]. (May 29, 2019). The Washington Post, A16.

This blog was developed with support from the Laura and John Arnold Foundation. The views expressed here do not necessarily reflect those of the Foundation.

Send Us Your Evaluations!

In last week’s blog, I wrote about reasons that many educational leaders are wary of the ESSA evidence standards, and the evidence-based reform movement more broadly. Chief among these concerns was a complaint that few educational leaders had the training in education research methods to evaluate the validity of educational evaluations. My response to this was to note that it should not be necessary for educational leaders to read and assess individual evaluations of educational programs, because free, easy-to-interpret review websites, such as the What Works Clearinghouse and Evidence for ESSA, already do such reviews. Our Evidence for ESSA website (www.evidenceforessa.org) lists reading and math programs available for use anywhere in the U.S., and we are constantly on the lookout for any we might have missed. If we have done our job well, you should be able to evaluate the evidence base for any program, in perhaps five minutes.

Other evidence-based fields rely on evidence reviews. Why not education? Your physician may or may not know about medical research, but most rely on websites that summarize the evidence. Farmers may be outstanding in their fields, but they rely on evidence summaries. When you want to know about the safety and reliability of cars you might buy, you consult Consumer Reports. Do you understand exactly how they get their ratings? Neither do I, but I trust their expertise. Why should this not be the same for educational programs?

At Evidence for ESSA, we are aiming to provide information on every program available to you, if you are a school or district leader. At the moment, we cover reading and mathematics, grades pre-k to 12. We want to be sure that if a sales rep or other disseminator offers you a program, you can look it up on Evidence for ESSA and it will be there. If there are no studies of the program that meet our standards, we will say so. If there are qualifying studies that either do or do not have evidence of positive outcomes that meet ESSA evidence standards, we will say so. On our website, there is a white box on the homepage. If you type in the name of any reading or math program, the website should show you what we have been able to find out.

What we do not want to happen is that you type in a program title and find nothing. In our website, “nothing” has no useful meaning. We have worked hard to find every program anyone has heard of, and we have found hundreds. But if you know of any reading or math program that does not appear when you type in its name, please tell us. If you have studies of that program that might meet our inclusion criteria, please send them to us, or citations to them. We know that there are always additional programs entering use, and additional research on existing programs.

Why is this so important to us? The answer is simple, Evidence for ESSA exists because we believe it is essential for the progress of evidence-based reform for educators and policy makers to be confident that they can easily find the evidence on any program, not just the most widely used. Our vision is that someday, it will be routine for educators thinking of adopting educational programs to quickly consult Evidence for ESSA (or other reviews) to find out what has been proven to work, and what has not. I heard about a superintendent who, before meeting with any sales rep, asked them to show her the evidence for the effectiveness of their program on Evidence for ESSA or the What Works Clearinghouse. If they had it, “Come on in,” she’d say. If not, “Maybe later.”

Only when most superintendents and other school officials do this will program publishers and other providers know that it is worth their while to have high-quality evaluations done of each of their programs. Further, they will find it worthwhile to invest in the development of programs likely to work in rigorous evaluations, to provide enough quality professional development to give their programs a chance to succeed, and to insist that schools that adopt their proven programs incorporate the methods, materials, and professional development that their own research has told them are needed for success. Insisting on high-quality PD, for example, adds cost to a program, and providers may worry that demanding sufficient PD will price them out of the market. But if all programs are judged on their proven outcomes, they all will require adequate PD, to be sure that the programs will work when evaluated. That is how evidence will transform educational practice and outcomes.

So our attempt to find and fairly evaluate every program in existence is not due to our being nerds or obsessive compulsive neurotics (though these may be true, too). But thorough, rigorous review of the whole body of evidence in every subject and grade level, and for attendance, social emotional learning, and other non-academic outcomes, is part of a plan.

You can help us on this part of our plan. Tell us about anything we have missed, or any mistakes we have made. You will be making an important contribution to the progress of our profession, and to the success of all children.

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Send us your evaluations!
Photo credit: George Grantham Bain Collection, Library of Congress [Public domain]

This blog was developed with support from the Laura and John Arnold Foundation. The views expressed here do not necessarily reflect those of the Foundation.

Why Do Some Educators Push Back Against Evidence?

In December, 2015, the U.S. Congress passed the Every Student Succeeds Act, or ESSA. Among many other provisions, ESSA defined levels of evidence supporting educational programs: Strong (at least one randomized experiment with positive outcomes), moderate (at least one quasi-experimental study with positive outcomes), and promising (at least one correlational study with positive outcomes). For various forms of federal funding, schools are required (in school improvement) or encouraged (in seven other funding streams) to use programs falling into one of these top three categories. There is also a fourth category, “demonstrates a rationale,” but this one has few practical consequences.

3 ½  years later, the ESSA evidence standards are increasing interest in evidence of effectiveness for educational programs, especially among schools applying for school improvement funding and in state departments of education, which are responsible for managing the school improvement grant process. All of this is to the good, in my view.

On the other hand, evidence is not yet transforming educational practice. Even in portions of ESSA that encourage or require use of proven programs among schools seeking federal funding, schools and districts often try to find ways around the evidence requirements rather than truly embracing them. Even when schools do say they used evidence in their proposals, they may have just accepted assurances from publishers or developers stating that their programs meet ESSA standards, even when this is clearly not so.

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Why are these children in India pushing back on a car?  And why do many educators in our country push back on evidence?

Educators care a great deal about their children’s achievement, and they work hard to ensure their success. Implementing proven, effective programs does not guarantee success, but it greatly increases the chances. So why has evidence of effectiveness played such a limited role in program selection and implementation, even when ESSA, the national education law, defines evidence and requires use of proven programs under certain circumstances?

The Center on Education Policy Report

Not long ago, the Center on Education Policy (CEP) at George Washington University published a report of telephone interviews of state leaders in seven states. The interviews focused on problems states and districts were having with implementation of the ESSA evidence standards. Six themes emerged:

  1. Educational leaders are not comfortable with educational research methods.
  2. State leaders feel overwhelmed serving large numbers of schools qualifying for school improvement.
  3. Districts have to seriously re-evaluate longstanding relationships with vendors of education products.
  4. State and district staff are confused about the prohibition on using Title I school improvement funds on “Tier 4” programs (ones that demonstrate a rationale, but have not been successfully evaluated in a rigorous study).
  5. Some state officials complained that the U.S. Department of Education had not been sufficiently helpful with implementation of ESSA evidence standards.
  6. State leaders had suggestions to make education research more accessible to educators.

What is the Reality?

I’m sure that the concerns expressed by the state and district leaders in the CEP report are sincerely felt. But most of them raise issues that have already been solved at the federal, state, and/or district levels. If these concerns are as widespread as they appear to be, then we have serious problems of communication.

  1. The first theme in the CEP report is one I hear all the time. I find it astonishing, in light of the reality.

No educator needs to be a research expert to find evidence of effectiveness for educational programs. The federal What Works Clearinghouse (https://ies.ed.gov/ncee/wwc/) and our Evidence for ESSA (www.evidenceforessa.org) provide free information on the outcomes of programs, at least in reading and mathematics, that is easy to understand and interpret. Evidence for ESSA provides information on programs that do meet ESSA standards as well as those that do not. We are constantly scouring the literature for studies of replicable programs, and when asked, we review entire state and district lists of adopted programs and textbooks, at no cost. The What Works Clearinghouse is not as up-to-date and has little information on programs lacking positive findings, but it also provides easily interpreted information on what works in education.

In fact, few educational leaders anywhere are evaluating the effectiveness of individual programs by reading research reports one at a time. The What Works Clearinghouse and Evidence for ESSA employ experts who know how to find and evaluate outcomes of valid research and to describe the findings clearly. Why would every state and district re-do this job for themselves? It would be like having every state do its own version of Consumer Reports, or its own reviews of medical treatments. It just makes no sense. In fact, at least in the case of Evidence for ESSA, we know that more than 80,000 unique readers have used Evidence for ESSA since it launched in 2017. I’m sure even larger numbers have used the What Works Clearinghouse and other reviews. The State of Ohio took our entire Evidence for ESSA website and put it on its own state servers with some other information. Several other states have strongly promoted the site. The bottom line is that educational leaders do not have to be research mavens to know what works, and tens of thousands of them know where to find fair and useful information.

  1. State leaders are overwhelmed. I’m sure this is true, but most state departments of education have long been understaffed. This problem is not unique to ESSA.
  2. Districts have to seriously re-evaluate longstanding relationships with vendors. I suspect that this concern is at the core of the problem on evidence. The fact is that most commercial programs do not have adequate evidence of effectiveness. Either they have no qualifying studies (by far the largest number), or they do have qualifying evidence that is not significantly positive. A vendor with programs that do not meet ESSA standards is not going to be a big fan of evidence, or ESSA. These are often powerful organizations with deep personal relationships with state and district leaders. When state officials adhere to a strict definition of evidence, defined in ESSA, local vendors push back hard. Understaffed state departments are poorly placed to fight with vendors and their friends in district offices, so they may be forced to accept weak or no evidence.
  3. Confusions about Tier 4 evidence. ESSA is clear that to receive certain federal funds schools must use programs with evidence in Tiers 1, 2, or 3, but not 4. The reality is that definitions of Tier 4 are so weak that any program on Earth can meet this standard. What program anywhere does not have a rationale? The problem is that districts, states, and vendors have used confusion about Tier 4 to justify any program they wish. Some states are more sophisticated than others and do not allow this, but the very existence of Tier 4 in ESSA language creates a loophole that any clever sales rep or educator can use, or at least try to get away with.
  4. The U. S. Department of Education is not helpful enough. In reality, USDoE is understaffed and overwhelmed on many fronts. In any case, ESSA puts a lot of emphasis on state autonomy, so the feds feel unwelcome in performing oversight.

The Future of Evidence in Education

Despite the serious problems in implementation of ESSA, I still think it is a giant step forward. Every successful field, such as medicine, agriculture, and technology, has started its own evidence revolution fighting entrenched interests and anxious stakeholders. As late as the 1920s, surgeons refused to wash their hands before operations, despite substantial evidence going back to the 1800s that handwashing was essential. Evidence eventually triumphs, though it often takes many years. Education is just at the beginning of its evidence revolution, and it will take many years to prevail. But I am unaware of any field that embraced evidence, only to retreat in the face of opposition. Evidence eventually prevails because it is focused on improving outcomes for people, and people vote. Sooner or later, evidence will transform the practice of education, as it has in so many other fields.

Photo credit: Roger Price from Hong Kong, Hong Kong [CC BY 2.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0)]

This blog was developed with support from the Laura and John Arnold Foundation. The views expressed here do not necessarily reflect those of the Foundation.

Can Computers Teach?

Something’s coming

I don’t know

What it is

But it is

Gonna be great!

-Something’s Coming, West Side Story

For more than 40 years, educational technology has been on the verge of transforming educational outcomes for the better. The song “Something’s Coming,” from West Side Story, captures the feeling. We don’t know how technology is going to solve our problems, but it’s gonna be great!

Technology Counts is an occasional section of Education Week. Usually, it publishes enthusiastic predictions about the wonders around the corner, in line with its many advertisements for technology products of all kinds. So it was a bit of a shock to see the most recent edition, dated April 24. An article entitled, “U.S. Teachers Not Seeing Tech Impact,” by Benjamin Herold, reported a nationally representative survey of 700 teachers. They reported huge purchases of digital devices, software, learning apps, and other technology in the past three years. That’s not news, if you’ve been in schools lately. But if you think technology is doing “a lot” to support classroom innovation, you’re out of step with most of the profession. Only 29% of teachers would agree with you, but 41% say “some,” 26% “a little,” and 4% “none.” Equally modest proportions say that technology has “changed their work as a teacher.” The Technology Counts articles describe most teachers as using technology to help them do what they have always done, rather than to innovate.

There are lots of useful things technology is used for, such as teaching students to use computers, and technology may make some tasks easier for teachers and students. But from their earliest beginnings, everyone hoped that computers would help students learn traditional subjects, such as reading and math. Do they?

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The answer is, not so much. The table below shows average effect sizes for technology programs in reading and math, using data from four recent rigorous reviews of research. Three of these have been posted at www.bestevidence.org. The fourth, on reading strategies for all students, will be posted in the next few weeks.

Mean Effect Sizes for Applications of Technology in Reading and Mathematics
Number of Studies Mean Effect Size
Elementary Reading 16 +0.09
Elementary Reading – Struggling Readers 6 +0.05
Secondary Reading 23 +0.08
Elementary Mathematics 14 +0.07
Study-Weighted Mean 59 +0.08

An effect size of +0.08, which is the average across the four reviews, is not zero. But it is not much. It is certainly not revolutionary. Also, the effects of technology are not improving over time.

As a point of comparison, average effect sizes for tutoring by teaching assistants have the following effect sizes:

Number of Studies Mean Effect Size
Elementary Reading – Struggling Readers 7 +0.34
Secondary Reading 2 +0.23
Elementary Mathematics 10 +0.27
Study-Weighted Mean 19 +0.29

Tutoring by teaching assistants is more than 3 ½ times as effective as technology. Yet the cost differences between tutoring and technology, especially for effective one-to-small group tutoring by teaching assistants, is not much.

Tutoring is not the only effective alternative to technology. Our reviews have identified many types of programs that are more effective than technology.

A valid argument for continuing with use of technology is that eventually, we are bound to come up with more effective technology strategies. It is certainly worthwhile to keep experimenting. But this argument has been made since the early 1970s, and technology is still not ready for prime time, as least as far as teaching reading and math are concerned. I still believe that technology’s day will come, when strategies to get the best from both teachers and technology will reliably be able to improve learning. Until then, let’s use programs and practices already proven to be effective, as we continue to work to improve the outcomes of technology.

 This blog was developed with support from the Laura and John Arnold Foundation. The views expressed here do not necessarily reflect those of the Foundation.

Twelfth Grade

One of the main purposes of public education is to help students gain the knowledge and skills that will make them successful in the job market and in life.  Everyone who works in grades pre-K to 12 values these goals, and they work very hard to help the kids they work with achieve their full potential.  Yet all too many students graduate from high school but do not achieve success in the world of work. They think their diploma is a ticket to the middle class, but for most, this is not true.

Instead, a high school diploma is a ticket to post-secondary education, and success in post-secondary education is the ticket to the middle class.  A high school diploma no longer gets you much in terms of vocational success. There are exceptions, but if you seek entry to the middle class, you need a four-year degree, a two-year degree, or even credits or certifications from a community college.

But here is the problem.  When you enter any post-secondary institution, you have to take a series of tests, mainly reading, writing, and math. If you do not pass these tests, you have to take remedial English or remedial math. Students get no credit for taking these courses, but they do have to pay for them. And most students who take remedial classes do not pass them. Many waste their time and their money for years trying to pass.  Needless to say, students from disadvantaged backgrounds suffer most and most often from this system.

Solving the Problem

Ideally, the solution to the problem of ensuring successful transitions from high school to college would be to greatly improve the education of all students throughout elementary and secondary school,  so that failing placement tests or freshman courses would be rare.  This could be done by providing proven programs to all students in all grades and subjects (see www.evidenceforessa.org).  A good place to begin, however, would be with twelfth grade.

What if high schools carefully studied the requirements of colleges and community colleges attended by most of their students, and devoted serious time and attention to preparing students to pass the placement tests and to pass the freshman courses?  A program in California called the Expository Reading and Writing Curriculum (ERWC; Fong et al., 2015) did exactly this. They built a 12th grade course intended to ensure the success of students entering the California State University system. A rigorous evaluation found significant positive effects on students’ performance on the placement tests taken by hundreds of thousands of California students in public universities. I heard that Prince George’s County (MD) Public Schools similarly studied the requirements of local universities and community colleges, and created twelfth grade courses that aligned with those requirements. I was told that this was very successful, but was dropped when the grant money supporting it ran out.

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Not all students would take such courses. High achievers would not need them, and very low achievers might not benefit from them.  But the large number of students likely to attend college but who are at risk for failing their freshman year could greatly benefit from this bit of hurdle help.

The students in a pre-k to 12 school system do not cease to be our concern when they cross the stage at high school graduation. On average, we have spent more than $150,000 per student by the time they graduate.  Even on the most crass grounds of cost, can we really justify spending so much on a child, only to fail them at the last minute?  It makes no sense.

If it were important at the policy level to ensure the success of many more students as they enter post-secondary education, I have no doubt that researchers and educators could come up with and implement effective and replicable strategies. Students need success at every grade level, but it seems especially appropriate to help those who have met all the requirements of elementary and secondary school, but may fail with their goal in sight. We can, I’m sure, help many, many promising students succeed at this critical juncture.

References

Fong, A., Finkelstein, N., Jaeger, L., Diaz, R., & Broek, M. (2015). Evaluation of the Expository Reading and Writing Course: Findings from the Investing in Innovation development grant. San Francisco, CA: WestEd.

Photo credit: Tulane Public Relations [CC BY 2.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0)]

 This blog was developed with support from the Laura and John Arnold Foundation. The views expressed here do not necessarily reflect those of the Foundation.