Could Proven Programs Eliminate Gaps in Elementary Reading Achievement?

What if every child in America could read at grade level or better? What if the number of students in special education for learning disabilities, or retained in grade, could be cut in half?

What if students who become behavior problems or give up on learning because of nothing more than reading difficulties could instead succeed in reading and no longer be frustrated by failure?

Today these kinds of outcomes are only pipe dreams. Despite decades of effort and billions of dollars directed toward remedial and special education, reading levels have barely increased.  Gaps between middle class and economically disadvantaged students remain wide, as do gaps between ethnic groups. We’ve done so much, you might think, and nothing has really worked at scale.

Yet today we have many solutions to the problems of struggling readers, solutions so effective that if widely and effectively implemented, they could substantially change not only the reading skills, but the life chances of students who are struggling in reading.

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How do I know this is possible? The answer is that the evidence is there for all to see.

This week, my colleagues and I released a review of research on programs for struggling readers. The review, written by Amanda Inns, Cynthia Lake, Marta Pellegrini, and myself, uses academic language and rigorous review methods. But you don’t have to be a research expert to understand what we found out. In ten minutes, just reading this blog, you will know what needs to be done to have a powerful impact on struggling readers.

Everyone knows that there are substantial gaps in student reading performance according to social class and race. According to the National Assessment of Educational Progress, or NAEP, here are key gaps in terms of effect sizes at fourth grade:

Gap in Effect Sizes
No Free/Reduced lunch/

Free/Reduced lunch

0.56
White/African American 0.52
White/Hispanic 0.46

These are big differences. In order to eliminate these gaps, we’d have to provide schools serving disadvantaged and minority students with programs or services sufficient to increase their reading scores by about a half standard deviation. Is this really possible?

Can We Really Eliminate Such Big and Longstanding Gaps?

Yes, we can. And we can do it cost-effectively.

Our review examined thousands of studies of programs intended to improve the reading performance of struggling readers. We found 59 studies of 39 different programs that met very high standards of research quality. 73% of the qualifying studies used random assignment to experimental or control groups, just as the most rigorous medical studies do. We organized the programs into response to intervention (RTI) tiers:

Tier 1 means whole-class programs, not just for struggling readers

Tier 2 means targeted services for students who are struggling to read

Tier 3 means intensive services for students who have serious difficulties.

Our categories were as follows:

Multi-Tier (Tier 1 + tutoring for students who need it)

Tier 1:

  • Whole-class programs

Tier 2:

  • Technology programs
  • One-to-small group tutoring

Tier 3:

  • One-to-one tutoring

We are not advocating for RTI itself, because the data on RTI are unclear. But it is just common sense to use proven programs with all students, then proven remedial approaches with struggling readers, then intensive services for students for whom Tier 2 is not sufficient.

Do We Have Proven Programs Able to Overcome the Gaps?

The table below shows average effect sizes for specific reading approaches. Wherever you see effect sizes that approach or exceed +0.50, you are looking at proven solutions to the gaps, or at least programs that could become a component in a schoolwide plan to ensure the success of all struggling readers.

Programs That Work for Struggling Elementary Readers

Multi-Tier Approaches Grades Proven No. of Studies Mean Effect Size
      Success for All K-5 3 +0.35
      Enhanced Core Reading Instruction 1 1 +0.24
Tier 1 – Classroom Approaches      
     Cooperative Integrated Reading                        & Composition (CIRC) 2-6 3 +0.11
      PALS 1 1 +0.65
Tier 2 – One-to-Small Group Tutoring      
      Read, Write, & Type (T 1-3) 1 1 +0.42
      Lindamood (T 1-3) 1 1 +0.65
      SHIP (T 1-3) K-3 1 +0.39
      Passport to Literacy (TA 1-4/7) 4 4 +0.15
      Quick Reads (TA 1-2) 2-3 2 +0.22
Tier 3 One-to-One Tutoring
      Reading Recovery (T) 1 3 +0.47
      Targeted Reading Intervention (T) K-1 2 +0.50
      Early Steps (T) 1 1 +0.86
      Lindamood (T) K-2 1 +0.69
      Reading Rescue (T or TA) 1 1 +0.40
      Sound Partners (TA) K-1 2 +0.43
      SMART (PV) K-1 1 +0.40
      SPARK (PV) K-2 1 +0.51

Key:    T: Certified teacher tutors

TA: Teaching assistant tutors

PV: Paid volunteers (e.g., AmeriCorps members)

1-X: For small group tutoring, the usual group size for tutoring (e.g., 1-2, 1-4)

(For more information on each program, see www.evidenceforessa.org)

The table is a road map to eliminating the achievement gaps that our schools have wrestled with for so long. It only lists programs that succeeded at a high level, relative to others at the same tier levels. See the full report or www.evidenceforessa for information on all programs.

It is important to note that there is little evidence of the effectiveness of tutoring in grades 3-5. Almost all of the evidence is from grades K-2. However, studies done in England in secondary schools have found positive effects of three reading tutoring programs in the English equivalent of U.S. grades 6-7. These findings suggest that when well-designed tutoring programs for grades 3-5 are evaluated, they will also show very positive impacts. See our review on secondary reading programs at www.bestevidence.org for information on these English middle school tutoring studies. On the same website, you can also see a review of research on elementary mathematics programs, which reports that most of the successful studies of tutoring in math took place in grades 2-5, another indicator that reading tutoring is also likely to be effective in these grades.

Some of the individual programs have shown effects large enough to overcome gaps all by themselves if they are well implemented (i.e., ES = +0.50 or more). Others have effect sizes lower than +0.50 but if combined with other programs elsewhere on the list, or if used over longer time periods, are likely to eliminate gaps. For example, one-to-one tutoring by certified teachers is very effective, but very expensive. A school might implement a Tier 1 or multi-tier approach to solve all the easy problems inexpensively, then use cost-effective one-to-small group methods for students with moderate reading problems, and only then use one-to-one tutoring with the small number of students with the greatest needs.

Schools, districts, and states should consider the availability, practicality, and cost of these solutions to arrive at a workable solution. They then need to make sure that the programs are implemented well enough and long enough to obtain the outcomes seen in the research, or to improve on them.

But the inescapable conclusion from our review is that the gaps can be closed, using proven models that already exist. That’s big news, news that demands big changes.

Photo credit: Courtesy of Allison Shelley/The Verbatim Agency for American Education: Images of Teachers and Students in Action

This blog was developed with support from the Laura and John Arnold Foundation. The views expressed here do not necessarily reflect those of the Foundation.

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The Fabulous 20%: Programs Proven Effective in Rigorous Research

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Photo courtesy of Allison Shelley/The Verbatim Agency for American Education: Images of Teachers and Students in Action

Over the past 15 years, governments in the U.S. and U.K. have put quite a lot of money (by education standards) into rigorous research on promising programs in PK-12 instruction. Rigorous research usually means studies in which schools, teachers, or students are assigned at random to experimental or control conditions and then pre- and posttested on valid measures independent of the developers. In the U.S., the Institute for Education Sciences (IES) and Investing in Innovation (i3), now called Education Innovation Research (EIR), have led this strategy, and in the U.K., it’s the Education Endowment Foundation (EEF). Enough research has now been done to enable us to begin to see important patterns in the findings.

One finding that is causing some distress is that the numbers of studies showing significant positive effects is modest. Across all funding programs, the proportion of studies reporting positive, significant findings averages around 20%. It is important to note that most funded projects evaluate programs that have been newly developed and not previously evaluated. The “early phase” or “development” category of i3/EIR is a good example; it provides small grants intended to fund creation or refinement of new programs, so it is not so surprising that these studies are less likely to find positive outcomes. However, even programs that have been successfully evaluated in the past often do not replicate their positive findings in the large, rigorous evaluations required at the higher levels of i3/EIR and IES, and in all full-scale EEF studies. The problem is that positive outcomes may have been found in smaller studies in which hard-to-replicate levels of training or monitoring by program developers may have been possible, or in which measures made by developers or researchers were used, or where other study features made it easier to find positive outcomes.

The modest percentage of positive findings has caused some observers to question the value of all these rigorous studies. They wonder if this is a worthwhile investment of tax dollars.

One answer to this concern is to point out that while the percentage of all studies finding positive outcomes is modest, so many have been funded that the number of proven programs is growing rapidly. In our Evidence for ESSA website (www.evidenceforessa.org), we have found 111 programs that meet ESSA’s Strong, Moderate, or Promising standards in elementary and secondary reading or math. That’s a lot of proven programs, especially in elementary reading, where there were 62.

The situation is a bit like that in medicine. A very small percentage of rigorous studies of medicines or other treatments show positive effects. Yet so many are done that each year, new proven treatments for all sorts of diseases enter widespread use in medical practice. This dynamic is one explanation for the steady increases in life expectancy taking place throughout the world.

Further, high quality studies that fail to find positive outcomes also contribute to the science and practice of education. Some programs do not meet standards for statistical significance, but nevertheless they show promise overall or with particular subgroups. Programs that do not find clear positive outcomes but closely resemble other programs that do are another category worth further attention. Funders can take this into account in deciding whether to fund another study of programs that “just missed.”

On the other hand, there are programs that show profoundly zero impact, in categories that never or almost never find positive outcomes. I reported recently on benchmark assessments,  with an overall effect size of -0.01 across 10 studies. This might be a good candidate for giving up, unless someone has a markedly different approach unlike those that have failed so often. Another unpromising category is textbooks. Textbooks may be necessary, but the idea that replacing one textbook with another has failed many, many times. This set of negative results can be helpful to schools, enabling them to focus their resources on programs that do work. But giving up on categories of studies that hardly ever work would significantly reduce the 80% failure rate, and save money better spent on evaluating more promising approaches.

The findings of many studies of replicable programs can also reveal patterns that should help current or future developers create programs that meet modern standards of evidence. There are a few patterns I’ve seen across many programs and studies:

  1. I think developers (and funders) vastly underestimate the amount and quality of professional development needed to bring about significant change in teacher behaviors and student outcomes. Strong professional development requires top-quality initial training, including simulations and/or videos to show teachers how a program works, not just tell them. Effective PD almost always includes coaching visits to classrooms to give teachers feedback and new ideas. If teachers fall back into their usual routines due to insufficient training and follow-up coaching, why would anyone expect their students’ learning to improve in comparison to the outcomes they’ve always gotten? Adequate professional development can be expensive, but this cost is highly worthwhile if it improves outcomes.
  2. In successful programs, professional development focuses on classroom practices, not solely on improving teachers’ knowledge of curriculum or curriculum-specific pedagogy. Teachers standing at the front of the class using the same forms of teaching they’ve always used but doing it with more up-to-date or better-aligned content are not likely to significantly improve student learning. In contrast, professional development focused on tutoring, cooperative learning, and classroom management has a far better track record.
  3. Programs that focus on motivation and relationships between teachers and students and among students are more likely to enhance achievement than programs that focus on cognitive growth alone. Successful teaching focuses on students’ hearts and spirits, not just their minds.
  4. You can’t beat tutoring. Few approaches other than one-to-one or one-to-small group tutoring have consistent powerful impacts. There is much to learn about how to make tutoring maximally effective and cost-effective, but let’s start with the most effective and cost-effective tutoring models we have now and build out from there .
  5. Many, perhaps most failed program evaluations involve approaches with great potential (or great success) in commercial applications. This is one reason that so many evaluations fail; they assess textbooks or benchmark assessments or ordinary computer assisted instruction approaches. These often involve little professional development or follow-up, and they may not make important changes in what teachers do. Real progress in evidence-based reform will begin when publishers and software developers come to believe that only proven programs will succeed in the marketplace. When that happens, vast non-governmental resources will be devoted to development, evaluation, and dissemination of well-implemented forms of proven programs. Medicine was once dominated by the equivalent of Dr. Good’s Universal Elixir (mostly good-tasting alcohol and sugar). Very cheap, widely marketed, and popular, but utterly useless. However, as government began to demand evidence for medical claims, Dr. Good gave way to Dr. Proven.

Because of long-established policies and practices that have transformed medicine, agriculture, technology, and other fields, we know exactly what has to be done. IES, i3/EIR, and EEF are doing it, and showing great progress. This is not the time to get cold feet over the 80% failure rate. Instead, it is time to celebrate the fabulous 20% – programs that have succeeded in rigorous evaluations. Then we need to increase investments in evaluations of the most promising approaches.

 

 

This blog was developed with support from the Laura and John Arnold Foundation. The views expressed here do not necessarily reflect those of the Foundation.

Benchmark Assessments: Weighing the Pig More Often?

There is an old saying about educational assessment: “If you want to fatten a pig, it doesn’t help to weigh it more often.”

To be fair, it may actually help to weigh pigs more often, so the farmer knows whether they are gaining weight at the expected levels. Then they can do something in time if this is not the case.

It is surely correct that weighing pigs does no good in itself, but it may serve a diagnostic purpose. What matters is not the weighing, but rather what the farmer or veterinarian does based on the information provided by the weighing.

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This blog is not, however, about porcine policy, but educational policy. In schools, districts, and even whole states, most American children take “benchmark assessments” roughly three to six times a year. These assessments are intended to tell teachers, principals, and other school leaders how students are doing, especially in reading and math. Ideally, benchmark assessments are closely aligned with state accountability tests, making it possible for school leaders to predict how whole grade levels are likely to do on the state tests early enough in the year to enable them to provide additional assistance in areas of need. The information might be as detailed as “fourth graders need help in fractions” or “English learners need help in vocabulary.”

Benchmark assessments are only useful if they improve scores on state accountability tests. Other types of intervention may be beneficial even if they do not make any difference in state test scores, but it is hard to see why benchmark assessments would be valuable if they do not in fact have any impact on state tests, or other standardized tests.

So here is the bad news: Research finds that benchmark assessments do not make any difference in achievement.

High-quality, large scale randomized evaluations of benchmark assessments are relatively easy to do. Many have in fact been done. Use of benchmark assessments have been evaluated in elementary reading and math (see www.bestevidence.org). Here is a summary of the findings.

Number of Studies Mean Effect Size
Elementary Reading 6 -0.02
Elementary Math 4    .00
Study-weighted mean 10 -0.01

In a rational world, these findings would put an end to benchmark assessments, at least as they are used now. The average outcomes are not just small, they are zero. They use up a lot of student time and district money.

In our accountability-obsessed educational culture, how could use of benchmark assessments make no difference at all on the only measure they are intended to improve? I would suggest several possibilities.

First, perhaps the most likely, is that teachers and schools do not do much with the information from benchmark assessments. If you are trying to lose weight, you likely weigh yourself every day. But if you then make no systematic effort to change your diet or increase your exercise, then all those weighings are of little value. In education, the situation is much worse than in weight reduction, because teachers are each responsible for 20-30 students. Results of benchmark assessments are different for each student, so a school staff that learns that its fourth graders need improvement in fractions finds it difficult to act on this information. Some fourth graders in every school are excelling in fractions, some just need a little help, and some are struggling in fractions because they missed the prerequisite skills. “Teach more fractions” is not a likely solution except for some of that middle group, yet differentiating instruction for all students is difficult to do well.

Another problem is that it takes time to score and return benchmark assessments, so by the time a team of teachers decides how to respond to benchmark information, the situation has moved on.

Third, benchmark assessments may add little because teachers and principals already know a lot more about their students than any test can tell them. Imagine a principal receiving the information that her English learners need help in vocabulary. I’m going to guess that she already knows that. But more than that, she and her teachers know which English learners need what kind of vocabulary, and they have other measures and means of finding out. Teachers already give a lot of brief, targeted curriculum-linked assessments, and they always have. Further, wise teachers stroll around and listen in on students working in cooperative groups, or look at their tests or seatwork or progress on computer curriculum, to get a sophisticated understanding of why some students are having trouble, and ideas for what to do about it. For example, it is possible that English learners are lacking school-specific vocabulary, such as that related to science or social studies, and this observation may suggest solutions (e.g., teach more science and social studies). But what if some English learners are afraid or unwilling to express themselves in class, but sit quietly and never volunteer answers? A completely different set of solutions might be appropriate in this case, such as using cooperative learning or tutoring strategies to give students safe spaces in which to use the vocabulary they have, and gain motivation and opportunities to learn and use more.

Benchmark assessments fall into the enormous category of educational solutions that are simple, compelling, and wrong. Yes, teachers need to know what students are learning and what is needed to improve it, but they have available many more tools that are far more sensitive, useful, timely, and tied to actions teachers can take.

Eliminating benchmark assessments would save schools a lot of money. Perhaps that money could be redirected to professional development to help teachers use approaches actually proven to work. I know, that’s crazy talk. But perhaps if we looked at what students are actually doing and learning in class, we could stop weighing pigs and start improving teaching for all children.

This blog was developed with support from the Laura and John Arnold Foundation. The views expressed here do not necessarily reflect those of the Foundation.

Mislabeled as Disabled

Kenny is a 10th grader in the Baltimore City Public Schools. He is an African American from a disadvantaged neighborhood, attending a high school that requires high grades and test scores. He has good attendance, and has never had any behavior problems. A good kid, by all accounts but one.

Kenny reads at the kindergarten level.

Kenny has spent most of his time in school in special education. He received extensive and expensive services, following an Individual Education Program (IEP) made and updated over time just for him, tailored to his needs.

Yet despite all of this, he is still reading at the kindergarten level in 10th grade.

Kenny’s story starts off a remarkable book, Mislabeled as Disabled, by my friend Kalman (Buzzy) Hettleman. A lawyer by training, Hettleman has spent many years volunteering in Baltimore City schools to help children being considered for special education obtain the targeted assistance they need to either avoid special education or succeed in it. What he has seen, and describes in detail in his book, is nothing short of heartbreaking. In fact, it makes you furious. Here is a system designed to improve the lives of vulnerable children, spending vast amounts of money to enable talented and hard-working teachers to work with children. Yet the outcomes are appalling. It’s not just Kenny. Thousands of students in Baltimore, and in every other city and state, are failing. These are mostly children with specific learning disabilities or other mild, “high-incidence” categories. Or they are struggling readers not in special education who are not doing much better. Many of the students who are categorized as having mild disabilities are not disabled, and would have done at least as well with appropriate services in the regular classroom. Instead, what they get is an IEP. Such children are “mislabeled as disabled,” and obtain little benefit from the experience.

blog_4-4-19_BuzzyHettleman_500x333Buzzy has worked at many levels of this system. He was on the Baltimore school board for many years. He taught social work at the University of Maryland. He has been an activist, fighting relentlessly for the rights of struggling students (and at 84 years of age still is). Most recently, he has served on the Kirwan Commission, appointed to advise the state legislature on reform policies and new funding formulas for the state’s schools. Buzzy has seen it all, from every angle. His book is deeply perceptive and informed, and makes many recommendations for policy and practice. But his message is infuriating. What he documents is a misguided system that is obsessed with rules and policies but pays little attention to what actually works for struggling learners.

What most struggling readers need is proven, well-implemented programs in a Response to Intervention (RTI) framework. Mostly, this boils down to tutoring. Most struggling students can benefit enormously from one-to-small group tutoring by well-qualified teaching assistants (paraprofessionals), so tutoring need not be terribly expensive. Others may need certified teachers or one-to-one. Some struggling readers can succeed with well-implemented proven, strategies in the regular classroom (Tier 1). Those who do not succeed in Tier 1 should receive proven one-to-small group tutoring approaches (Tier 2). If that is not sufficient, a small number of students may need one-to-one tutoring, although research tells us that one-to-small group is almost as effective as one-to-one, and is a lot less expensive.

Tutoring is the missing dynamic in the special education system for struggling readers, whether or not they have IEPs. Yes, some districts do provide tutoring to struggling readers, and if the tutoring model they implement is proven in rigorous research it is generally effective. The problem is that there are few schools or districts that provide enough tutoring to enough struggling readers to move the needle.

Buzzy described a policy he devised with Baltimore’s then-superintendent, Andres Alonso. They called it “one year plus.” It was designed to ensure that all students with high-incidence disabilities, such as those with specific learning disabilities, must receive instruction sufficient to enable them to make one year’s progress or more every 12 months.  If students could do this, they would, over time, close the gap between their reading level and their grade level. This was a radical idea, and its implementation it fell far short. But the concept is exactly right. Students with mild disabilities, who are the majority of those with IEPs, can surely make such gains. In recent years, research has identified a variety of tutoring approaches that can ensure one year or more of progress in a year for most students with IEPs, at a cost a state like Maryland could surely afford.

            Mislabeled as Disabled is written about Buzzy’s personal experience in Baltimore. However, what he describes is happening in districts and states throughout the U.S., rich as well as poor. This dismal cycle can stop anywhere we choose to stop it. Buzzy Hettleman describes in plain, powerful language how this could happen, and most importantly, why it must.

Reference

Hettleman, K. R. (2019). Mislabeled as disabled. New York: Radius.

 This blog was developed with support from the Laura and John Arnold Foundation. The views expressed here do not necessarily reflect those of the Foundation.